A Cognitive-Behavioral Formulation of Narcissistic Self-Esteem Dysregulation
Abstract
Narcissistic personality disorder (NPD) is a commonly encountered diagnosis, affecting approximately 1%–6% of the population, with no evidence-based treatments. Recent scholarship has focused on self-esteem dysregulation as a key component of NPD: Excessively high expectations for oneself and how one should be treated leads to brittle self-esteem and maladaptive reactions to self-esteem threats. The current article builds on this formulation, introducing a cognitive-behavioral model of narcissistic self-esteem dysregulation that clinicians can use in providing a relatable model of change for their patients. Specifically, symptoms of NPD can be seen as a set of cognitive and behavioral habits that serve to regulate difficult emotions emerging from maladaptive beliefs and interpretations of self-esteem threats. This perspective renders narcissistic dysregulation amenable to cognitive-behavioral therapy (CBT) in which patients learn skills that help them gain awareness around these habitual reactions, reshape cognitive distortions, and engage in behavioral experiments that serve to transform maladaptive belief systems that consequently free them from symptomatic reactions. Here, we provide a precis of this formulation and examples of how CBT skills can be used to treat narcissistic dysregulation. We also discuss future research that could provide empirical support for the model and test the efficacy of CBT approaches to NPD. Conclusions focus on the notion that narcissistic self-esteem dysregulation likely varies continuously in the population and transdiagnostically across disorders. Greater insight into the cognitive-behavioral mechanisms of self-esteem dysregulation could foster tools for ameliorating distress both in people with NPD and the general populace.
It makes sense to want to feel good about oneself. Decades of research suggest that high self-esteem—one’s evaluation of how good, competent, attractive, influential, and socially regarded one is (1–4)—portends positive mental health outcomes (5–7). However, it is possible to have too much of a good thing. A grandiose sense of self-importance, entitlement, and need for admiration can produce considerable intrapersonal and interpersonal difficulties, culminating into a diagnosis of narcissistic personality disorder (NPD) (8, 9), an impairing condition that affects 1%–6% of the U.S. population (10, 11). What distinguishes healthy self-esteem from narcissistic grandiosity? We begin by summarizing research on this question, arriving at the notion that self-esteem regulation is a transdiagnostic psychological process that becomes dysregulated in NPD. We then articulate a cognitive-behavioral formulation of narcissistic self-esteem dysregulation, showing how this dysregulation can be seen as interactions between beliefs, thoughts, feelings, and behaviors. This broadly applicable perspective offers hope for NPD treatment, as it renders self-esteem dysregulation amenable to intervention through cognitive-behavioral therapy (CBT), which has been found effective for several other psychiatric disorders. We then illustrate how key CBT techniques could be applied before concluding with a discussion of the implications of the model and future directions of research.
Narcissism and Its Treatment
Over decades of scholarship spanning psychoanalytic traditions, personality psychology, and clinical science, researchers have sought to characterize the psychological processes that drive pathological narcissism. Although numerous theoretical frameworks have been developed and continue to evolve, they share an understanding that maladaptive patterns of self-esteem regulation are central to pathological narcissism (12). Data show that, unlike normative, healthy self-esteem, which is associated with positive outcomes (5–7), narcissistic self-esteem is fragile, because it is highly contingent on achievement-related successes and feedback from the social environment (13–15).
Narcissistic self-esteem is thus conceptualized as precariously elevated. When an individual with NPD is faced with an ego threat (e.g., real or imagined criticism, failure, or reduced social regard), unrealistically high self-expectations crumple into perceived inferiority (16, 17). Individuals with NPD are, therefore, hypersensitive to ego threats, and when threatened, they respond with efforts to reduce concomitant distress and upregulate self-esteem (17–19). These regulation strategies include some of NPD’s most recognizable and maladaptive behaviors. Classic “grandiose” responses include being aggressive or devaluing toward others (20, 21), fixating on grandiose fantasies (22), or engaging in self-serving bias (23). Classic “vulnerable” responses include alienating and isolating themselves (24) by avoiding situations that may threaten self-esteem (25), relentlessly criticizing themselves (26–28), or engaging in suicidal behaviors and fantasies (29, 30). This vacillation between overly inflated and deflated self-appraisals, alongside efforts to regulate this unstable sense of self through grandiosity, flawlessness, and/or avoidance, are described in both early psychoanalytic theories of narcissism (31), the contemporary Alternative DSM-5 Model for Personality Disorders (8), and the personality disorder section of the ICD-11 (32–34).
It is important to note that research is continually adding nuance to scientific perspectives on self-esteem in NPD (35). Various frameworks differently emphasize shifts between distinct states of grandiosity (i.e., elevated self-esteem, arrogance, and entitlement) and vulnerability (i.e., shame, insecurity, and neuroticism). Scholars are working to clarify whether and how grandiosity may function to conceal ever-present vulnerability and whether fragile self-esteem is a driving force or an outcome of this process (17, 18, 26, 36). Recent proposals also offer a more complex and dynamic view beyond shifting grandiosity and vulnerability (35). In the midst of the field coming to a consensus regarding how to best conceptualize “narcissism,” we offer a cognitive-behavioral model proposing that symptoms of NPD are driven by narcissistic self-esteem dysregulation, which is characterized by fragile self-esteem (maintained by unrealistic beliefs about one’s importance, abilities, influence, or social regard) and habitual maladaptive behavioral strategies that prop up elevated self-esteem.
Despite the high prevalence of harmful outcomes of NPD, few psychotherapeutic treatments for NPD exist, and none have been empirically tested (12, 37). Existing treatments for narcissistic processes are largely psychoanalytic (38, 39). More recently, evidence-based psychotherapies for borderline personality disorder, a related but distinct diagnosis from NPD, have steadily been adapted for NPD. Transference-focused psychotherapy (40), mentalization-based treatment (41), good psychiatric management (42), and dialectical behavior therapy (43) have all adjusted protocols originally for borderline personality disorder to more directly address the unique aspects of NPD. However, none of these adapted therapies have been systematically tested, and developing accessible and pragmatic NPD treatments is critical (44, 45). Given its effective application to a wide range of disorders, CBT stands as a clear choice for guiding the development of novel NPD interventions.
The CBT Model
CBT is a family of short-term, structured, and problem-focused psychotherapeutic treatments that primarily utilize cognitive (thought- and meaning-related) and behavioral (response- and action-related) interventions aimed at improving psychological functioning (46, 47). The central theoretical model underlying CBT posits that thoughts, behaviors, and emotions dynamically influence and maintain one another. These processes ideally serve adaptive functions, such as helping individuals accomplish their goals, navigate their environment, and ultimately survive (48). However, sometimes these cognitive-behavioral systems become dysregulated and produce symptoms of psychopathology. As we illustrate later, this is particularly the case when individuals believe that they cannot cope with situations that are actually tolerable and when they maintain these beliefs by habitually avoiding or escaping unwanted emotions aroused by situations that trigger these emotions (49). CBT models have been tailored to treat specific disorders, such as major depressive disorder (50, 51), posttraumatic stress disorder (PTSD) (52, 53), and borderline personality disorder (54). Transdiagnostic approaches such as the Unified Protocol (49) and the Modular Approach to Treating Children (or MATCH) (55), have also been developed to treat multiple disorders simultaneously or serially.
A transdiagnostic CBT model is presented in Figure 1, which we illustrate using an example patient with social anxiety disorder. The patient’s highly distressing fears that they will embarrass themselves lead to chronic avoidance of social situations. CBT typically begins with psychoeducation, in which patients learn how emotions have adaptive functions (e.g., anxiety helps prepare for and avoid possible danger) and how they are are beneficial when calibrated to reality (i.e., aligned and proportionate to the facts of a given situation) (56). Through both didactic discussion and self-monitoring homework exercises, patients learn about the CBT model of psychopathology. They learn to see their symptoms as recurring cycles of thoughts, feelings, and behaviors; how these cycles emerge in response to situations because of underlying belief systems; and how habitual cognitive and behavioral reactions to these situations only serve to reinforce these beliefs, thereby maintaining their problem.
For example, when a patient is invited to a party, the belief that “embarrassment is unbearable” becomes activated, leading to a negative automatic thought (e.g., “I’ll probably make a fool of myself”) and concomitant feelings (e.g., anxiety, elevated heart rate, or tension or tightness in the pit of their stomach). Although habitual strategies for regulating these feelings (e.g., avoiding the party) may immediately reduce distress, they only reinforce the maladaptive belief that embarrassment is unbearable by generating additional evidence that one must avoid social gatherings to be “safe” from embarrassment. Reinforcing this belief means that the same cycle of symptoms will arise in future social situations. During treatment, these behaviors will consequently be labeled as part of an “avoidant” pathway that is ultimately unhelpful to long-term well-being. The patient will be encouraged to replace these avoidant responses with skills that move them down an “approach” pathway. Although approaching social situations and embarrassment (e.g., attending parties or speaking in social settings) can generate distress, doing so gives patients evidence that can erode underlying maladaptive beliefs. For example, signing up for improvisation classes and learning that they can survive an hour in the spotlight can help patients form new beliefs that embarrassment is tolerable, thus freeing them from social anxiety. Note that although this example focuses on social anxiety disorder, these dynamics are also highly relevant to narcissistic dysregulation (discussed later).
There are many CBT techniques for shifting patients from avoidance to approach pathways and transforming their underlying beliefs. Two major classes of interventions include cognitive and behavioral skills. Cognitive interventions ultimately aim to increase the flexibility with which patients think about themselves, others, and the world (57). Patients first learn about different layers of cognition, including their “automatic thoughts” (i.e., immediate, situation-specific interpretations that come to a person’s mind throughout the day), “intermediate beliefs” (i.e., general attitudes and assumptions that give rise to automatic thoughts such as, “If I don’t wash my hands, then I’ll get sick”), and “core beliefs” (i.e., the deep, long-standing, and rigid beliefs about oneself and the world that can be expressed in simple declarations like, “I’m unlovable”) (58). Patients then learn cognitive techniques that they can use to challenge and change these layers of cognition. Using cognitive restructuring to summon evidence against one’s automatic thoughts and generate alternative interpretations can help improve mood and reduce symptoms (59–62). Cognitive interventions provide patients with the skills to change their thoughts and beliefs (indicated by a circle and an arrow, respectively, in Figure 1).
Behavioral interventions challenge patients to directly change their behavior (indicated by a circle in Figure 1), giving them evidence that interrupts their beliefs (indicated by an arrow in Figure 1) and helps free them from the cycle of their symptoms. After patients develop an awareness of the behaviors they habitually use to avoid uncomfortable emotions, they then engage in “behavioral experiments,” “exposure exercises,” or “behavioral activation plans” in which they purposefully confront situations that they fear and avoid. These can be a wide variety of activities, including giving a speech in front of strangers, sending e-mails with typos in them, holding doorknobs that might have germs on them, planning positive events, or any other exercises that help them approach situations or sensations that they fear or avoid. A substantial body of research shows that behavioral exposures can drastically reduce a patient’s fear and avoidance of these situations, thereby improving their functioning (63–70). Theoretically, the patient begins to build new associations with these situations that foster the belief that they can cope (71). Of key importance is that patients learn to resist avoidant (or “safety”) behaviors during exposures (e.g., taking lorazepam before every exposure or washing their hands immediately after the exposure), as this inhibits the patient’s learning that they can cope with feared situations or emotions without avoidance (72). Some exposure exercises can be extremely distressing, meaning that providing a clear rationale for this approach and collaboratively working up to more difficult exposures are essential for the sustainability of this powerful and empirically proven intervention.
Meta-analyses show that treatments under the CBT umbrella improve symptoms and are often considered the gold-standard treatment for a wide range of psychiatric presentations (73, 74). This list includes internalizing disorders, such as major depressive disorder (66, 75), social anxiety disorder (76), panic disorder (67, 77), and PTSD (78, 79); externalizing disorders, such as drug and alcohol use (80), attention-deficit hyperactivity disorder (81), and oppositional defiant disorder (82); personality disorders, including borderline personality disorder (83, 84) and personality disorders comorbid with other disorders such as PTSD (85) or major depressive disorder (86); suicidal thoughts and behaviors (87); bipolar disorder (88); and psychosis (89, 90). The time has come to consider how CBT could be adapted for NPD and self-esteem dysregulation more broadly.
A CBT Formulation of Narcissistic Self-Esteem Dysregulation
Generating a CBT approach to NPD requires identifying the key beliefs that generate dysregulation, the habitual avoidant behaviors that reinforce those beliefs, and a potential set of cognitive and behavioral interventions that could interrupt these habits and transform maladaptive beliefs to healthier versions. We outline these three steps in the present section, drawing on the principles and literature outlined in the previous sections. A conceptual model of healthy and unhealthy self-esteem dysregulation is illustrated in Figure 2. Healthy individuals, overall, have relatively positive and stable self-esteem, which is consistently connected to reality (Figure 2A). This means that one holds reasonable expectations of oneself and how one should be treated. Healthy self-esteem is still sensitive to environmental feedback, falling when there are threats to one’s self-esteem and rising when one’s abilities and standing are affirmed. Self-esteem threats involve challenges to one’s competence, influence, attractiveness, social regard, or overall “goodness” (e.g., when rejected, when receiving negative feedback, or when performing worse than others). Scholars agree that experiences in which one suffers decreased self-esteem generate negative emotions including shame, embarrassment, envy, anxiety, and anger (13, 20, 91). These threats and concomitant emotions then activate efforts to “restore” self-esteem that both alleviate negative emotions aroused by the self-esteem threat and (when operating optimally) help the person grow their skills, social regard, and potential to contribute to society. In other words, self-esteem regulation is “the spice of life,” as it is a healthy and powerful promoter of both intrapersonal and interpersonal functioning (12). Being able to maintain this healthy self-esteem regulation circuit requires maintaining reasonable expectations for oneself and choosing constructive means for restoring self-esteem. This healthy regulation thus flows from a set of core beliefs such as “like others, I have natural strengths and weaknesses,” “I can get better at things through hard work,” and “I have inherent value.”
However, this system can easily become dysregulated, leading to narcissistic symptoms (and, in extremes, NPD). This dysregulation can take many forms, but the key point of fragility lies at the interface of unrealistic expectations of oneself and destructive means for restoring self-esteem (for examples, see Figure 2B and Table 1). If a person believes that they are not valuable unless they attain extraordinarily high standards (e.g., “if I’m not the best, I’m worthless” or “I deserve praise for all that I do”), then even quotidian experiences will threaten one’s self-esteem. Insufficient acknowledgment, minor mishaps, or exposure to more accomplished others will all trigger cognitions and emotions reflecting an extreme dip in self-esteem in which one feels incompetent and valueless. Indeed, narcissism is associated with elevated negative affect in response to others’ dominance (92). This distress can then trigger excessive behavioral reactions aimed at downregulating emotions, restoring self-esteem to unrealistically high standards (19), for example, by bringing others “down a peg,” behaving pompously, or giving up. In our model, these behavioral reactions can vary across individuals, but all aim to restore self-esteem (see Table 1 for examples). In fact, it is possible that the documented differences in “vulnerable” and “grandiose” subtypes of NPD (93, 94) could be explained by different behavioral strategies that patients use to restore their self-esteem. For instance, a “vulnerable” narcissistic profile would emerge from responses that restore esteem by removing oneself from potential sources of ego threat (e.g., not engaging during class, not responding to friends, or seeking suicide). A “grandiose” presentation would emerge from behaviors that instead elevate one’s comparative standing over others (e.g., flaunting one’s successes, putting others down, or defying rules).
Diagnosis | Situation | Belief | Automatic thoughts | Feelings | Behaviors | Consequences |
---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
Obsessive-compulsive disorder | Touching a doorknob | Contamination can kill me | “This doorknob probably has germs on it.” “I must wash to be safe.” | Disgust, anxiety, body tension | Resisting touching anything else with hands, wash immediately | Immediate reduction in distress but reinforces belief that one must wash to be safe |
Vulnerable narcissism | Receiving negative feedback from boss | No one sufficiently understands or appreciates me | “He should have been clearer about what he wanted.” “I bet a different boss would appreciate me more.” “I should just give up.” | Anxiety, anger, self-loathing | Avoiding boss, fantasizing about “ideal” boss, suicidal ideation motivated by “showing them what they lost” | Avoidance of critiques leads to social and occupational impairment and reinforces belief that criticism is intolerable |
Grandiose narcissism | Learning that a peer got a better score on a test | I must be the best in all ways | “It doesn’t matter, I’m still better than them.” “They’ll pay for showing me up.” | Anger, envy | Ridiculing peer for caring about grade, lying that peer got grade by cheating, fantasizing of ways to get even | Aggression and lying severely damages relationships and reinforces the notion that one must (appear to) be the best at all costs |
Understanding psychological disorders through cognitive-behavioral therapy components
Special consideration should be given to the function of suicidal thoughts and behaviors (STB) in narcissistic dysregulation, particularly fantasizing about suicide or acting on suicidal urges (30). As we have noted, narcissistic dysregulation can produce immense and frequent distress, which can generate a desire to downregulate and escape these painful feelings through death. Although such a desire to escape distress can motivate STB transdiagnostically (95, 96), suicidal ideation and urges can serve additional functions in NPD, as suicide can seem like a pathway to quit a life in which one’s self-concept is irrevocably tarnished with no way to meet one’s idealized expectations (97); gain ultimate control over one’s life by permanently ending it; restoring one’s standing relative to others by vengefully showing others that they were insufficient to help; or achieving a glorified version of one’s death (30). Although these perceived benefits of dying by suicide might temporarily restore one’s sense of agency or relative standing to others, they also obviously bring immense pain to oneself and one’s community. As such, STB should be targeted early in treatment and understood within the aforementioned functional model.
To summarize this model, we propose that self-esteem regulation is a natural psychological process in human beings. People experience threats to their self-esteem, which generates aversive emotions that are regulated through learned behaviors that seek to restore self-esteem. This regulatory cycle is governed by (and, in turn, reinforces) underlying core beliefs about oneself and the world. Healthy self-esteem emerges when people have reasonable beliefs about oneself and use constructive responses to restore self-esteem. Unhealthy self-esteem emerges when people have unrealistic beliefs about themselves and others, leading to frequent self-esteem threats and immense, destructive attempts to restore self-esteem.
Furthermore, this dysregulated cycle can be understood through the lens of the CBT model described in Figure 1. When someone with NPD is exposed to a situation that threatens their self-esteem, underlying beliefs become activated that produce distorted cognitions and intense emotions. Habitual behavioral responses can momentarily reduce negative emotions and restore self-esteem, but they only reinforce the maladaptive belief, recapitulating the cycle each time the individual’s self-esteem is threatened. Specific examples of this cycle are articulated in Table 1. Behaviors indicative of classic narcissistic traits (e.g., need for admiration, fantasies of infinite success, suicidality, haughtiness, grandiose self-importance, and envy) can be understood through CBT components. Because of unrealistic underlying beliefs, any situations that threaten one’s sense of value, competence, power, and control germinate automatic thoughts organized around restoring a perceived sense of superiority. These thoughts provoke strong emotions, motivating internal and external behavioral reactions (e.g., escaping, lying, or aggressing) that may, indeed, restore a perceived sense of safety, perfection, or superiority but at the cost of healthy interpersonal functioning. Furthermore, these reactions only reinforce the underlying belief that perceived superiority is worth attaining at all costs. Although we chart only a few examples of narcissistic thought-feeling-behavior cycles, we use them to illustrate what we believe is a general process underlying dysregulated self-esteem.
The key benefit of analyzing narcissistic self-esteem dysregulation through this lens is that it opens this psychological process to modification through CBT techniques. Many relevant therapeutic skills fall under the umbrella of CBT, but we outline key potential approaches in the following text and in Table 2. CBT typically begins with psychoeducation on the CBT model and how it connects to a patient’s current symptoms. As such, we argue that patients with NPD should be informed of the diagnosis and fully brought into the conversation regarding their clinical conceptualization (42). After reviewing the models illustrated in Figures 1 and 2, therapists can assign patients to use self-monitoring exercises to gain a greater awareness of what behaviors they might use to “restore” their self-esteem, which could be maladaptive in nature. Therapists and patients can then explore and identify the deeper assumptions and beliefs that underlie these ego sensitivities. The goal of this information-gathering stage is to build a working knowledge of how patients’ habitual cognitions and avoidant behaviors emerge from and reinforce their underlying beliefs. This serves as a foundation for learning cognitive and behavioral skills that can change these habitual responses and the beliefs that produce them.
CBT skill | Targeted component of CBT model | Example application | Desired learning |
---|---|---|---|
Cognitive restructuring | Thoughts | Challenging automatic thoughts that one is worthless if one does not perform perfectly (e.g., “I either have to quit or never mess up again” vs. “Evidence shows I’m helpful even though I made a mistake”) | Habitually challenging automatic thoughts; updating core belief to recognize one’s value even if flawed |
Behavioral exposures | Behaviors | Setting up hangout with peer who is superior on some dimension and paying them a compliment | Learning to tolerate inferiority; updating core belief that it is okay to be mediocre |
Eliminating daily avoidance | Behaviors | Resisting daily behaviors that destructively “restore” self-esteem (e.g., excessive praise seeking, fantasizing, putting others down) | Learning healthier tools for regulating self-esteem; updating core belief that one can accept one’s unique strengths and weaknesses |
Example applications of cognitive-behavioral therapy (CBT) techniques to narcissistic dysregulation
Cognitive skills for narcissistic dysregulation would help patients habitually challenge automatic thoughts that generate distress and only reinforce underlying maladaptive beliefs. Automatic cognitions are likely to suffer from classic “cognitive distortions” through which thoughts and interpretations neglect parts of reality (58). For example, cognitions might habitually deny the positive aspects of situations (e.g., thinking “I’m a failure” when patients receive both praise and critical feedback) or taking responsibility for an outcome even when all things are multiply determined (e.g., thinking “no one else is doing anything to make this project succeed” when collaborating on a project). Patients can then learn strategies for being more skeptical about these automatic thoughts and perhaps restructure them. For example, patients can learn to attend to the evidence that they still have value even when they are imperfect or that group projects benefit from shared effort and control. In these ways, habitual restructuring can help soothe negative affect in the face of self-esteem threats and regulate the patient’s behavioral attempts to restore self-esteem.
There are also several behavioral skills that could help stabilize narcissistic dysregulation. These interventions would focus on helping patients approach distressing situations, cognitions, and emotions that they typically avoid in order to learn that they can tolerate these experiences without the need for their habitual destructive reactions. This facilitates a corrective experience in which patients learn new beliefs that the situations that they typically avoid are actually tolerable. When treating narcissistic dysregulation, the goal of behavioral exposures would be to help patients approach situations that threaten self-esteem (which they typically avoid) and choose healthier behaviors to restore self-esteem rather than their typical strategies. Gaining mastery through more effective coping generates more durable self-esteem. For instance, someone with the belief that they must always be seen as the most intelligent person could practice allowing their coworker to take the lead on a project and resist urges to correct them or withdraw from the project. As is well known in exposure-based interventions, this practice can increase distress and requires clear rationale setting and collaboration to help the patient approach and learn from these exposures. One strategy would be to first identify and remove habitual avoidant behaviors in patients’ daily lives (even if they are not related to self-esteem), providing the patient with practice in habituating to strong emotions and engendering confidence in behavioral skills. The ultimate goal is for patients to develop increased willingness to approach situations they typically avoid and healthier skills for managing the emotions that are generated by them, thereby changing their underlying belief network and alleviating their overall symptoms (98).
Discussion
We outline a CBT approach to narcissistic self-esteem dysregulation that most mental health professionals can easily adapt into their practice. Narcissistic traits can be understood as a set of habitual thoughts, feelings, and behaviors that emerge because of maladaptive beliefs about oneself that essentially set unrealistic expectations for oneself and how one should be treated. When unmet, such expectations lead to rapid and extreme oscillations in self-esteem that generate strong negative emotions and require excessive and destructive reactions to restore self-esteem. However, this cycle can be regulated through cognitive and behavioral interventions that help patients modify their automatic thoughts and approach feared situations and emotions. These exercises can bring beliefs into a healthy connection with reality, relieving patients of their symptoms.
Although several treatments have been developed to aid people affected by narcissistic dysregulation (37–43), cognitive-behavioral perspectives are scarce (although not nonexistent) (99). We believe that the current formulation provides several advances beyond prior work. In particular, our model unites the perspective that self-esteem dysregulation is at the heart of NPD (12–15) with classic components of CBT theory (58). In particular, we articulate how rapid self-esteem oscillations typical of narcissistic fragility can be understood through self-perpetuating cycles of cognitive-affective-behavioral dysregulation that emerge from and reinforce maladaptive belief systems. This formulation opens the psychological processes that underlie NPD to modification through classic CBT techniques and to scientific study. Both of these advances are key for the study and treatment of NPD. Further refining a CBT formulation of NPD will allow both scientific and clinical efforts to make greater headway in understanding and treating NPD. This is especially promising, given the power that CBT has in effectively treating many other forms of psychopathology (73, 74).
Another key strength of the current model is its potential for understanding “narcissism” as a dimensional (rather than categorical) and transdiagnostic phenomenon. Scholars have questioned categorical taxonomies of psychopathology and instead advocated for identifying the dimensions that might vary continuously in a population and be shared across several disorders (32–34, 100, 101). Our model is consistent with this approach, as self-esteem (dys)regulation is a phenomenon that can vary continuously across people and emerge in several forms of psychopathology beyond NPD. In our model, everyone experiences self-esteem threats and has ways to restore self-esteem, and this system merely becomes dysregulated in NPD. We encourage additional attention to the processes that dysregulate the self-esteem system, as we believe this can help clarify what leads to NPD. We also encourage exploration of self-esteem and its dysregulation in other clinical disorders (e.g., borderline personality disorder, depression, perfectionism, obsessive-compulsive disorder, and social anxiety disorder).
It is crucial to keep in mind several limitations of our model as it stands. First and foremost, it remains largely theoretical (emerging from a synthesis of prior research and clinical observation) and, as such, has little direct empirical validation. Research is needed to establish key assumptions of the model (e.g., Do people with NPD endorse maladaptive beliefs concerning self-esteem? Do symptoms of NPD function to regulate distress and restore self-esteem?) and to test the potential use of CBT interventions to treat NPD. A second major limitation is that core beliefs are well known to be highly resistant to modification (102). This means that the CBT formulation articulated here might require incorporating additional tools and techniques, such as those of schema therapy, which has been shown to be effective in the treatment of personality disorders (103). This might be especially important in the treatment of NPD, as people who are highly ashamed of feeling inferior or incompetent are likely to use destructive reactions to restore self-esteem in the context of treatment (19, 99, 104). Borrowing techniques from dialectical behavior therapy could establish additional tools that help patients and therapists work together to address narcissistic reactions during treatment (54). A third limitation concerns the possibility that self-esteem dysregulation may only be one component of NPD, and full treatment of this disorder could require additional interventions. Other important future directions include more closely connecting the model proposed here to classic studies of self-esteem and its development (4, 5, 13, 14, 20, 105–108), investigating the utility of CBT-adjacent techniques such as motivational interviewing and mindfulness-based techniques in treating narcissistic dysregulation (109, 110), and charting how self-esteem dysregulation develops within an individual across the lifespan (106, 111–113).
In all, a cognitive-behavioral formulation of narcissistic self-esteem dysregulation could help patients diagnosed as having NPD change underlying beliefs and come to greater intrapersonal and interpersonal functioning. This model may be general enough to address transdiagnostic issues with self-esteem dysregulation, but additional clinical and empirical research are needed.
1 : Measures of self-esteem; in Measures of Personality and Social Psychological Attitudes. San Diego, Academic Press, 1991, pp 115–160 Crossref, Google Scholar
2 : The Construction of the Self: A Developmental Perspective. New York, Guilford Press, 1999 Google Scholar
3 : A model of the self as an aspect of the human information processing system; in Personality, Cognition and Social Interaction. Edited by Canton N, Kihlstrom JF. Hillsdale, NJ, Erlbaum, 1981, pp 193–214 Google Scholar
4 Baumeister RF (ed): Self-Esteem. Boston, Springer US, 1993 Crossref, Google Scholar
5 : Self-esteem in a broad-spectrum approach for mental health promotion. Health Educ Res 2004; 19:357–372Crossref, Google Scholar
6 : Does low self-esteem predict depression and anxiety? A meta-analysis of longitudinal studies. Psychol Bull 2013; 139:213–240Crossref, Google Scholar
7 : Self-esteem and mental health in early adolescence: development and gender differences. J Adolesc 1996; 19:233–245 Crossref, Google Scholar
8 Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of Mental Disorders, 5th ed. Washington, DC, American Psychiatric Association, 2013 Google Scholar
9 : Clinical correlates of vulnerable and grandiose narcissism: a personality perspective. J Pers Disord 2020; 34:107–130Crossref, Google Scholar
10 : Prevalence, correlates, disability, and comorbidity of DSM-IV narcissistic personality disorder: results from the wave 2 national epidemiologic survey on alcohol and related conditions. J Clin Psychiatry 2008; 69:1033–1045Crossref, Google Scholar
11 : Revised NESARC personality disorder diagnoses: gender, prevalence, and comorbidity with substance dependence disorders. J Pers Disord 2010; 24:412–426Crossref, Google Scholar
12 : Narcissistic personality disorder: progress in recognition and treatment. Focus 2013; 11:167–177 Link, Google Scholar
13 : Separating narcissism from self-esteem. Curr Dir Psychol Sci 2016; 25:8–13 Crossref, Google Scholar
14 : Untangling the links between narcissism and self-esteem: a theoretical and empirical review. Soc Pers Psychol Compass 2008; 2:1415–1439 Crossref, Google Scholar
15 : Toward a conceptualization of optimal self-esteem. Psychol Inq 2003; 14:1–26 Crossref, Google Scholar
16 : Threatened egotism, narcissism, self-esteem, and direct and displaced aggression: does self-love or self-hate lead to violence? J Pers Soc Psychol 1998; 75:219–229Crossref, Google Scholar
17 : Unraveling the paradoxes of narcissism: a dynamic self-regulatory processing model. Psychol Inq 2001; 12:177–196 Crossref, Google Scholar
18 : Trait entitlement: a cognitive-personality source of vulnerability to psychological distress. Psychol Bull 2016; 142:1204–1226Crossref, Google Scholar
19 : Intersect between self-esteem and emotion regulation in narcissistic personality disorder—implications for alliance building and treatment. Borderline Personal Disord Emot Dysregul 2017; 4:3Crossref, Google Scholar
20 : Self-esteem, narcissism, and aggression: does violence result from low self-esteem or from threatened egotism? Curr Dir Psychol Sci 2000; 9:26–29 Crossref, Google Scholar
21 : “Isn’t it fun to get the respect that we’re going to deserve?” Narcissism, social rejection, and aggression. Pers Soc Psychol Bull 2003; 29:261–272Crossref, Google Scholar
22 : Narcissism and the use of fantasy. J Clin Psychol 1991; 47:490–499Crossref, Google Scholar
23 : Narcissism and comparative self-enhancement strategies. J Res Pers 2000; 34:329–347 Crossref, Google Scholar
24 : Psychological alienation: isolation and self-estrangement. Psychoanal Rev 1975; 62:369–405Google Scholar
25 : Narcissism and sensitivity to criticism: a preliminary investigation. Curr Psychol 2008; 27:62–76 Crossref, Google Scholar
26 : Narcissistic personality disorder: a current review. Curr Psychiatry Rep 2010; 12:68–75Crossref, Google Scholar
27 : Helping patients by analyzing self-criticism. J Am Psychoanal Assoc 1990; 38:605–636Crossref, Google Scholar
28 : Pathological narcissism and depressive symptoms in psychiatric outpatients: mediating role of dysfunctional attitudes. J Clin Psychol 2014; 70:341–352Crossref, Google Scholar
29 : Eleven deaths of Mr. K.: contributing factors to suicide in narcissistic personalities. Psychiatry 2008; 71:169–182Crossref, Google Scholar
30 : Suicide and self-regulation in narcissistic personality disorder. Psychodyn Psychiatry 2018; 46:491–510 Crossref, Google Scholar
31 : Pathologic forms of self-esteem regulation. Psychoanal Study Child 1960; 15:215–232Crossref, Google Scholar
32 ICD-11 Clinical Descriptions and Diagnostic Guidelines for Mental and Behavioural Disorders. Geneva, World Health Organization, 2021 Google Scholar
33 : Progress in developing a classification of personality disorders for ICD-11. World Psychiatry 2018; 17:227–229Crossref, Google Scholar
34 : Development and initial evaluation of the ICD-11 Personality Disorder Severity scale: PDS-ICD-11. Personal Ment Health 2021; 15:223–236Crossref, Google Scholar
35 : Narcissism dynamics. Soc Pers Psychol Compass 2022; 16:1–14 Crossref, Google Scholar
36 : Thoughts on narcissism and narcissistic rage. Psychoanal Study Child 1972; 27:360–400 Crossref, Google Scholar
37 : Introduction to the special issue on narcissistic personality disorder. J Pers Disord 2020; 34:1–5Crossref, Google Scholar
38 : Principles of psychodynamic treatment for patients with narcissistic personality disorder. J Pers Disord 2020; 34:143–158Crossref, Google Scholar
39 : Factors in the psychoanalytic treatment of narcissistic personalities. J Am Psychoanal Assoc 1970; 18:51–85Crossref, Google Scholar
40 : Transference-focused psychotherapy for narcissistic personality disorder: an object relations approach. J Pers Disord 2020; 34:159–176Crossref, Google Scholar
41 : Mentalization-based treatment for pathological narcissism. J Pers Disord 2020; 34:177–203Crossref, Google Scholar
42 : Implementation of good psychiatric management for narcissistic personality disorder: good enough or not good enough? in Applications of Good Psychiatric Management for Borderline Personality Disorder: A Practical Guide. Washington, DC, American Psychiatric Publishing, 2019, pp 253–280 Google Scholar
43 : Treatment of narcissistic personality disorder symptoms in a dialectical behavior therapy framework: a discussion and case example; in The Handbook of Narcissism and Narcissistic Personality Disorder: Theoretical Approaches, Empirical Findings, and Treatments. Edited by Campbell WK, Miller JD. Hoboken, NJ, John Wiley & Sons, 2011, pp 466–475 Crossref, Google Scholar
44 : Commentary on the special issue: narcissistic personality disorder: a coming of age. J Pers Disord 2020; 34:210–213Crossref, Google Scholar
45 : The almost untreatable narcissistic patient. J Am Psychoanal Assoc 2007; 55:503–539Crossref, Google Scholar
46 : Cognitive Behavior Therapy: Basics and Beyond, 2nd ed. New York, Guilford Press, 2011 Google Scholar
47 : The science of cognitive therapy. Behav Ther 2013; 44:199–212Crossref, Google Scholar
48 : A process-based approach to psychological diagnosis and treatment: the conceptual and treatment utility of an extended evolutionary meta model. Clin Psychol Rev 2020; 82:101908Crossref, Google Scholar
49 : The Unified Protocol for Transdiagnostic Treatment of Emotional Disorders: Therapist Guide. New York, Oxford University Press, 2011 Google Scholar
50 : Depression in Context: Strategies for Guided Action. New York, W. W. Norton & Co, 2001 Google Scholar
51 : Behavioral activation for depression; in Clinical Handbook of Psychological Disorders: A Step-By-Step Treatment Manual. Edited by Barlow DH. The Guilford Press, 2014, pp 353–359 Google Scholar
52 : Cognitive Processing Therapy for PTSD: A Comprehensive Manual. New York, Guilford Publications, 2016 Google Scholar
53 : Prolonged Exposure Therapy for PTSD: Emotional Processing of Traumatic Experiences Therapist Guide. New York, Oxford University Press, 2007 Crossref, Google Scholar
54 : Skills Training Manual for Treating Borderline Personality Disorder. New York, Guilford Press, 1993 Google Scholar
55 : Tracking evidence based practice with youth: validity of the MATCH and standard manual consultation records. J Clin Child Adolesc Psychol 2013; 42:44–55Crossref, Google Scholar
56 : Emotion, emotion regulation, and psychopathology: an affective science perspective. Clin Psychol Sci 2014; 2:387–401 Crossref, Google Scholar
57 : The unified protocol for transdiagnostic treatment of emotional disorders. World Psychiatry 2020; 19:245–246Crossref, Google Scholar
58 : Cognitive Therapy: Basics and Beyond. New York, Guilford Press, 1995 Google Scholar
59 : The emerging field of emotion regulation: an integrative review. Rev Gen Psychol 1998; 2:271–299 Crossref, Google Scholar
60 : Rethinking feelings: an FMRI study of the cognitive regulation of emotion. J Cogn Neurosci 2002; 14:1215–1229Crossref, Google Scholar
61 : A linguistic signature of psychological distancing in emotion regulation. J Exp Psychol Gen 2017; 146:337–346Crossref, Google Scholar
62 : Durable effects of cognitive restructuring on conditioned fear. Emotion 2012; 12:1393–1397Crossref, Google Scholar
63 : Cognitive behavioral treatments of obsessive-compulsive disorder. A systematic review and meta-analysis of studies published 1993–2014. Clin Psychol Rev 2015; 40:156–169Crossref, Google Scholar
64 : Prolonged exposure therapy: past, present, and future. Depress Anxiety 2011; 28:1043–1047Crossref, Google Scholar
65 : Meta-analysis of the efficacy of virtual reality exposure therapy for social anxiety. Behav Chang 2018; 35:152–166 Crossref, Google Scholar
66 : Behavioral activation treatments of depression: a meta-analysis. Clin Psychol Rev 2007; 27:318–326Crossref, Google Scholar
67 : Dismantling cognitive-behaviour therapy for panic disorder: a systematic review and component network meta-analysis. Psychol Med 2018; 48:1945–1953Crossref, Google Scholar
68 : Cognitive behavioural therapy with exposure and response prevention in the treatment of obsessive-compulsive disorder: a systematic review and meta-analysis of randomised controlled trials. Compr Psychiatry 2021; 106:152223Crossref, Google Scholar
69 : The role of exposure in treatment of anxiety disorders: a meta-analysis. Int J Psychol Ther 2018; 18:111–141 Google Scholar
70 : A meta-analytic review of prolonged exposure for posttraumatic stress disorder. Clin Psychol Rev 2010; 30:635–641Crossref, Google Scholar
71 : Maximizing exposure therapy: an inhibitory learning approach. Behav Res Ther 2014; 58:10–23Crossref, Google Scholar
72 : Optimizing inhibitory learning during exposure therapy. Behav Res Ther 2008; 46:5–27Crossref, Google Scholar
73 : The efficacy of cognitive behavioral therapy: a review of meta-analyses. Cognit Ther Res 2012; 36:427–440Crossref, Google Scholar
74 : The empirical status of cognitive-behavioral therapy: a review of meta-analyses. Clin Psychol Rev 2006; 26:17–31Crossref, Google Scholar
75 : Effect of treatments for depression on quality of life: a meta-analysis. Cogn Behav Ther 2017; 46:265–286Crossref, Google Scholar
76 : Psychological and pharmacological interventions for social anxiety disorder in adults: a systematic review and network meta-analysis. Lancet Psychiatry 2014; 1:368–376Crossref, Google Scholar
77 : Psychological treatment of panic disorder with or without agoraphobia: a meta-analysis. Clin Psychol Rev 2010; 30:37–50Crossref, Google Scholar
78 : Psychological treatments for adults with posttraumatic stress disorder: a systematic review and meta-analysis. Clin Psychol Rev 2016; 43:128–141Crossref, Google Scholar
79 : Meta-analysis of the efficacy of treatments for posttraumatic stress disorder. J Clin Psychiatry 2013; 74:541–550Crossref, Google Scholar
80 : A meta-analysis of cognitive-behavioral therapy for alcohol or other drug use disorders: treatment efficacy by contrast condition. J Consult Clin Psychol 2019; 87:1093–1105Crossref, Google Scholar
81 : The efficacy of cognitive behavioral therapy for adults with ADHD: a systematic review and meta-analysis of randomized controlled trials. J Atten Disord 2020; 24:875–888Crossref, Google Scholar
82 : Cognitive-behavioral therapy for externalizing disorders: a meta-analysis of treatment effectiveness. Behav Res Ther 2015; 75:60–71Crossref, Google Scholar
83 : Two-year randomized controlled trial and follow-up of dialectical behavior therapy vs therapy by experts for suicidal behaviors and borderline personality disorder. Arch Gen Psychiatry 2006; 63:757–766Crossref, Google Scholar
84 : Dialectical behavior therapy for borderline personality disorder: a meta-analysis using mixed-effects modeling. J Consult Clin Psychol 2010; 78:936–951Crossref, Google Scholar
85 : Psychotherapy for posttraumatic stress disorder in patients with borderline personality disorder: a systematic review and meta-analysis of its efficacy and safety. Eur J Psychotraumatol 2020; 11:1796188Crossref, Google Scholar
86 : Personality disorders and their relation to treatment outcomes in cognitive behavioural therapy for depression: a systematic review and meta-analysis. Cognit Ther Res 2021; 45:561–576 Crossref, Google Scholar
87 : Interventions for suicide and self-injury: a meta-analysis of randomized controlled trials across nearly 50 years of research. Psychol Bull 2020; 146:1117–1145Crossref, Google Scholar
88 : Efficacy of cognitive-behavioral therapy in patients with bipolar disorder: a meta-analysis of randomized controlled trials. PLoS One 2017; 12:e0176849Crossref, Google Scholar
89 : Preventing a first episode of psychosis: meta-analysis of randomized controlled prevention trials of 12 month and longer-term follow-ups. Schizophr Res 2013; 149:56–62Crossref, Google Scholar
90 : Cognitive-behavioural therapy for the symptoms of schizophrenia: systematic review and meta-analysis with examination of potential bias. Br J Psychiatry 2014; 204:20–29Crossref, Google Scholar
91 : Self-esteem as an interpersonal monitor: the sociometer hypothesis. J Pers Soc Psychol 1995; 68:518–530 Crossref, Google Scholar
92 : The effect of pathological narcissism on interpersonal and affective processes in social interactions. J Abnorm Psychol 2017; 126:898–910Crossref, Google Scholar
93 : Narcissism at the crossroads: phenotypic description of pathological narcissism across clinical theory, social/personality psychology, and psychiatric diagnosis. Clin Psychol Rev 2008; 28:638–656Crossref, Google Scholar
94 : Pathological narcissism and narcissistic personality disorder. Annu Rev Clin Psychol 2010; 6:421–446Crossref, Google Scholar
95 : Reasons for suicide attempts in a clinical sample of active duty soldiers. J Affect Disord 2013; 144:148–152Crossref, Google Scholar
96 : Why adolescents attempt suicide: a qualitative study of the transition from ideation to action. Arch Suicide Res 2021; 25:269–286Crossref, Google Scholar
97 : Suicide as escape from self. Psychol Rev 1990; 97:90–113Crossref, Google Scholar
98 : How willing are you? Willingness as a predictor of change during treatment of adults with obsessive–compulsive disorder. Depress Anxiety 2017; 34:1057–1064Crossref, Google Scholar
99 : Cognitive behavioral perspectives on the theory and treatment of the narcissistic character; in Understanding and Treating Pathological Narcissism. American Psychological Association, 2013, pp 301–320 Crossref, Google Scholar
100 : The hierarchical taxonomy of psychopathology (HiTOP): a dimensional alternative to traditional nosologies. J Abnorm Psychol 2017; 126:454–477Crossref, Google Scholar
101 : Toward the future of psychiatric diagnosis: the seven pillars of RDoC. BMC Med 2013; 11:126Crossref, Google Scholar
102 : Schema therapy for borderline personality disorder. J Clin Psychol 2006; 62:445–458Crossref, Google Scholar
103 : Effectiveness of predominantly group schema therapy and combined individual and group schema therapy for borderline personality disorder: a randomized clinical trial. JAMA Psychiatry 2022; 79:287–299Crossref, Google Scholar
104 : Narcissistic personality disorder: diagnostic and clinical challenges. Am J Psychiatry 2015; 172:415–422Crossref, Google Scholar
105 : Why do people need self-esteem? A theoretical and empirical review. Psychol Bull 2004; 130:435–468Crossref, Google Scholar
106 : Development of self-protective biases in response to social evaluative feedback. Proc Natl Acad Sci U S A 2017; 114:13158–13163Crossref, Google Scholar
107 : The nature and function of self-esteem: sociometer theory. Adv Exp Soc Psychol 2000; 32:1–62 Crossref, Google Scholar
108 : The neural sociometer: brain mechanisms underlying state self-esteem. J Cogn Neurosci 2011; 23:3448–3455Crossref, Google Scholar
109 : Motivational Interviewing: Helping People Change, 3rd ed. New York, Guilford Press, 2013 Google Scholar
110 : Acceptance and commitment therapy: model, processes and outcomes. Behav Res Ther 2006; 44:1–25Crossref, Google Scholar
111 : Self-Esteem Across the Lifespan: Issues and Interventions. New York, Routledge, 2015 Google Scholar
112 : Is high self-esteem beneficial? Revisiting a classic question. Am Psychol 2022; 77:5–17Crossref, Google Scholar
113 : The link between self-esteem and social relationships: a meta-analysis of longitudinal studies. J Pers Soc Psychol 2020; 119:1459–1477Crossref, Google Scholar